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THEY MUST GO
Chapter 3:   Of Declarations and Independence   58

need to retain a Jewish majority” and warn against “too many br

Arabs” (one recalls wryly Golda Meir’s attack on me for “offend- br

ing the sensibilities” of the Arabs, followed sometime later by br

the classic speech in which she spoke of the need to give up land br

because “I do not want to awaken each morning worrying about br

how many Arabs were born the previous night”)—then think br

how “equal” the Arab of Israel feels.

The most outrageous offense against Arab sensibilities br

comes from all the liberals and leftists who grow livid with anger br

if certain people call for the transfer of Israeli Arabs from the br

country. But those who call for Arab transfer do so out of respect br

for the sincerity of the Arab belief that the land was stolen from br

him and out of knowledge that the Arab cannot feel love and br

empathy for a Jewish state. Because of this, they understand that br

there can never be peace or coexistence between Jew and Arab. br

This infuriates the “moralists.” Yet it is these “moralists” who br

then proceed to warn against annexing land lest, G-d forbid, we br

import too many Arabs into our midst. What in the world does br

an Israeli Arab think when Israeli leaders, who swear that he is br

equal, proceed to say the following: “Do you want to have . . . br

a Jewish state in the whole of Eretz Yisrael? . . . Do you want to br

have democracy in that state? How then will it be a Jewish state? br

We want a Jewish state, even if it is not in the whole of the br

country” (David Ben-Gurion, Knesset debate, April 4, 1949).

Did Ben-Gurion ever think what the “equal” Arabs of the br

Jewish Israel who live in the state that is “not in the whole of the br

country” felt on hearing those words?

Or consider the thoughts of Abba Eban, whose ability to br

speak twelve languages had made him the darling of Jewish br

Centers and Hadassah groups in the Western world. He warns br

against annexing Judea-Samaria and the other liberated lands br

and asks: “Do we aspire to be a Jewish democracy [sic], or br

does our vision include a million Arab noncitizens held in an br

unwanted union with us forever?” (Jerusalem Post, April 23, br

1976).

Even as the applause of the nonthinkers rises in a crescen- br

do, the more perceptive may ask: A Jewish democracy? How in br

the world can the Israeli Arab think of that? Mr. Eban intones: br

“We cannot hold a million Arabs as noncitizens.” In that case, br

asks the Israeli Arab, why not make them citizens? The answer that br

58

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