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THEY MUST GO
Chapter 3:   Of Declarations and Independence   71

that the very basis for their beliefs of a lifetime is a sham.

aaaShimon Peres, leader of the Labor Party, is also, of course, br

a “goodwill, head-and-stomach” man, but he differs with the br

supporters of total integration. “We have failed, for twenty-eight br

years”—this in an interview with Maariv, March 26, 1976—“in br

regard to our Arab minority.” And his prescription for Arab br

contentment and acceptance of Israel? Separate Arab develop- br

ment. Encourage and aid them to set up their own political br

parties. “Because we did not encourage them in this, they were br

forced to find expression in hostile political parties.”

Ah, that is the source of the problem. Not Zionism, not the br

fact that the Arab feels nothing but hatred for the state that took br

away “his” land and made his people a minority in a foreign br

Jewish state. All we need do is allow him to establish his own br

framework. Question: Who prevented him from doing so all these br

years? Question: Will this separate party be less hostile to Israel br

than the present “hostile” parties to which he has gravitated? br

Question: How does separate existence breed love for the Jew? br

Will not a separate Arab party be based logically on a demand br

for separate existence and separation from Israel? Answer: br

Peres has not the slightest idea. His is one other side of the Is- br

raeli Coin of Confusion.

aaaThe Peres idea was the subject of two articles in the Jerusa- br

lem Post, which merely proved the inflationary character of the br

Coin. Said Moshe Ater, Labor Party member, (July 12, 1976): br

“A precondition to peaceful cooperation between Jews and Ar- br

abs is . . . deliberate segregation, confining joint activity to essen- br

tials of mutual benefit.”

But it was the second article by one Melvin Moguloff that br

surely is a candidate for the most fascinating political psychol- br

ogy article in many a day. Moguloff, described as a “social br

planner at one of the country’s major public agencies,” in an br

April 9, 1978, article, called for separate but very equal facilities. br

Economic and social conditions are the key for Moguloff, as br

befits a social welfare planner. Therefore, if we make sure that br

the Arab stomach is full and his head filled exactly like those of br

the Jews, it will be good. But, if not, “a large and articulate br

Arab community, in a democratic state, could not long accept br

second-class economic status.”

What makes the Moguloff article fascinating, in a hideous br

71

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