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blose by their transfer and we certainly will not. In the last analy-
bsis, this is a political reform settlement for the benefit of both
bsides. For a long time I have felt that this is the best of the solu-
btions, and during the times of trouble I understand even more
bstrongly that one of these days this thing must come about. I did
bnot, however, imagine that the transfer ‘outside of Eretz Yisrael’
bwould mean to the area of Shechem. I believed and still believe
bthat they will yet move to Syria or Iraq . . .” (1937).
bThe other proponent of removal of the Arabs from the pro-
bposed Jewish state was the future first prime minister of Israel.
bOn July 29, 1937, David Ben-Gurion said: “If it is possible to
bmove Arabs from village to village to village within the bound-
baries of the British mandate—it is difficult to find any political
bor moral reason not to transfer the same Arabs from an area
bunder Jewish rule to one that will be under Arab rule. . . . Even
bunder the maximum moral scruples it is impossible to object to
ba transfer that guarantees the transferees both satisfactory mate-
brial conditions and maximum national security. For the Arabs
bwho will be settled in an Arab state, this transfer will be a full
band total satisfaction of their national aspirations.”
bSome of the best-known early Zionist spokesmen discussed
bthe transfer of Arabs. Arthur Ruppin, in May 1911, suggested
bthat the Zionists buy land near Aleppo and Homs in northern
bSyria for the resettlement of Palestinian Arabs. Both Leo
bMotzkin and Nahum Sokolow, later to become president of the
bWorld Zionist Organization, considered the idea of transfer.
bThe most consistent and persistent advocate of the concept was
bthe Anglo-Jewish writer Israel Zangwill, who sought a state for
bthe Palestine Arabs in Arabia.
bThere is the beginning of an awakening. In 1972, when I
bfirst raised the issue in public in a speech at Haifa University,
buniversal reaction was hotly negative. Prime Minister Golda
bMeir publicly charged that I had offended the sensibilities of the
bArabs, and editorials and columnists vilified me. One of the
bmost bitter attacks was by nationalist “hawk” Moshe Shamir.
bIn 1973 charges of incitement were filed against me when the
bJewish Defense League of Israel (Kach) launched a campaign
bamong the Arabs of Israel offering to aid those who wished to
bemigrate. Not only did Arabs from all over Israel and the territo-
bries respond, but an Israeli Arab from the Galilee village of
b